Across the Asia Pacific, the Southeast Asia (SEA) subregion is at the crossroads of several of the world’s most significant geopolitical zones. Home to almost 700 million people in the world, SEA is demographically, geographically, and culturally rich in many aspects. Its demographics consist of the third-largest labor force among industries with service, manufacturing, and agriculture leading the way. The region houses 11 countries: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Thailand, Timor-Leste, Vietnam, and the Philippines. It stretches from the eastern border of India to the western edges of the Pacific Ocean, holding a strategic position in the broader Asia-Pacific region. Despite having their distinct histories, political systems, and socio-cultural identities, our interconnected histories and the common contemporary challenges we face bind us all.
SEA is a critical passage between Asia Pacific’s biggest economic players: East Asia with China, Japan, and South Korea and South Asia with Bangladesh and India. Serving as a corridor between these two subregions, SEA is a center for global trade, investment, and political interest. With its current pace, the subregion is foreseen to be the fourth-largest economy in the world by 2030.
Despite these premises of a rapidly progressing future, the reality most people face in SEA is thwarted by conflicts and contradictions.
One major issue Southeast Asia faces is the further neoliberalization and corporatization of basic industries and services in the guise of economic innovation. The subregion has been dependent on foreign investments and unfair trade deals that further liberalize and privatize many aspects of the national economies of Southeast Asian countries. This decades-long system has obstructed nations from being self-reliant and building their national industries. According to the Asian Development Bank’s Trade Facilitation Report last year, Southeast Asia is overall the most global value chain (GVC)-integrated subregion in Asia and the Pacific. UNESCAP also reports that SEA leads the region with 5.8% real-term trade expansion. The subregion’s nature of providing cheap labor and almost-free access to natural resources to attract more foreign investors has been taken advantage of for many years, with workers and communities bearing the brunt of these challenges. Wages of workers, ordinary employees, and the masses are grossly insufficient as they are confronted with skyrocketing prices of food, fuel, and other basic commodities. Moreover, they are deprived of government-mandated benefits, limited freedoms in the workplace, and are subjected to the worst working conditions.
In the case of the Philippines, we have witnessed the recent and previous administrations’ undertaking of several neoliberal economic reforms facilitated by international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and World Bank (IMF-WB) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). Dating back to the 1980 Corazon Aquino administration, these reforms have been a part of succeeding administrations’ ventures even until now under Marcos Jr.’s administration. Neoliberalism in the Philippines manifested through structural adjustment programs that advocated for privatization of state-owned enterprises, deregulation of key industries, and liberalization of trade and investment policies. While these reforms aimed to modernize the economy and attract foreign direct investment, they also led to unintended and harmful consequences. One major effect was the erosion of local industries that could not compete with imported goods. Small farmers and manufacturers were hit hardest, leading to widespread unemployment and underemployment. Laws such as the Rice Tariffication Law (RTL) and the Fisheries Subsidies Agreement (FSA), both agreed by the Philippines as a member of the WTO, largely contribute to this reality.
The Philippines faces a job crisis at present with falling employment and higher underemployment. APRN member, IBON Foundation, said that the continuing disregard of the Marcos regime in addressing the fundamental causes of the jobs crisis is creating further delay and underemployment among Filipino people. With the lack of support for local agriculture and industrial sectors, which are vital sources of sustainable jobs, weak job creation persists. Last year, the share of agriculture in gross domestic product (GDP) fell to 8%, the smallest in the country’s history while manufacturing dropped to 17.6%, its smallest share in over seven decades.
With this phenomenon persisting, more than 6,000 Filipinos leave the country to seek jobs in over 200 countries.. Today, there are over 2 million overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) engaged in various industries – service (e.g., such as cleaning, basic maintenance, food preparation, and delivery), agriculture, manufacturing, and care industries. While the remittances OFWs send back to their families significantly contribute to the country’s GDP, they also reflect a deep systemic failure to generate stable, dignified employment within the country. Apart from job protection, both foreign governments and the Philippines have limited protection to extend to them in the face of difficult working conditions, discrimination, and physical/sexual abuse under the labor export policy.
Privatization of essential services such as water, electricity, and education has also had adverse effects. In Metro Manila, for instance, water services are managed by private corporations that prioritize profit over accessibility. Maynilad is presently the largest water concessionaire not only in the Philippines but the whole of Southeast Asia in terms of active connections, with more than 1.5 million customers. As a result, poor communities often pay higher rates for water, compounding their socioeconomic vulnerability.
In Thailand, many fisheries and coastal communities are concerned about the country’s blue economy policy, which is supported by the IMF-WB. APRN Member Sustainable Development Foundation Thailand states that the existing blue economy policy in their country does not integrate the concept of sustainable marine and coastal development for fisheries and coastal communities, specifically for sustainable utilization. This leads to having an adverse effect on the livelihoods of small-scale fisheries and coastal communities, as well as on marine and coastal ecosystems.
For the past few decades, Thailand has seen a trend in the utilization of marine resources for economic development. There are direct uses, such as fishing and the extraction of natural gas and oil, as well as indirect uses, such as tourism, ports, shipping, and the absorption of carbon dioxide, among others. Thailand is a major player in the Southeast Asian fishing industry, with a significant portion of its total fish production attributed to capture fisheries and aquaculture. In 2022, Thailand became the second-largest exporter of processed fish globally, reaching a value of $3.1 billion. The country’s fisheries sector contributes about 1.5% to the gross domestic product and provides an average of 27.20 kg of fish per capita for consumption.
While these figures are promising for the economy of Thailand, many small-scale fishers and coastal communities pose a warning on the blue economy policy’s further promotion, especially without proper research and consultation with fisherfolk themselves. In Trat, one of the major fishing communities in Thailand and part of the Blue Economy Conservation Pilot Area Plan, small-scale fishermen have reported a decrease in marine animals, limited fishing area, deterioration of mangrove forests, sea grasses, and corals, declining market prices for seafood and local livelihoods’ incompatibility with law enforcement.
Without proper participation and mechanisms to assess existing policies, the danger of falling into the trap of implementing them for the sake of figures and profit becomes more widespread.
Both the Philippines and Thailand’s cases underscore how neoliberal and corporate-backed policies can deepen inequality and perpetuate poverty. While both countries have seen growth in their GDP’s in recent years, this growth does not reflect in the reality of millions of Filipinos and Thais, especially among marginalized communities. Along with other Southeast Asian countries, as long as the prevailing industries and economic system are founded to serve the interests of foreign nations and corporations, profit will be prioritized over the people and the planet. The call for a pro-people and people-led economy continues.
Another persisting problem in the subregion is the rising attacks against human rights defenders and civil society organizations correlated with rising authoritarianism, fascist regimes, and military intervention in Southeast Asia. Governments across the region employ brazen tactics and maneuvers to silence dissent and repress people’s rights, thereby eroding the foundation of human rights and democracy. It is no reach to say that the general direction among governments in the region is influenced by external factors happening inside and outside Southeast Asia. The escalating inter-imperialist rivalry between the US and China fuels further militarization, economic sanctions, and proxy wars in the region.
The escalation of inter-imperialist rivalry between the US and China is a reality under Trump’s presidency. This intensifying competition for global dominance is expected to fuel further militarization, economic sanctions, and proxy wars, with devastating consequences for the broad masses. As inter-imperialist contradictions intensify, it will be the people who will bear the brunt, suffering the compounded impacts of war, economic instability, and escalating social unrest. In the latest World Report released by Human Rights Watch early this year, Southeast Asia has been reported to be falling behind in upholding human rights in the entire region, with Myanmar and Vietnam among the many countries falling significantly behind.
Four years into the coup, 29,156 have been arrested and 6696 people have been killed by the military in Myanmar. Since 2021, the people of Myanmar have grappled with a severe political and humanitarian crisis that has taken the lives of many of their citizens. The Tatmadaw’s rise to power and its coup d’état deposed the civilian government led by the National League for Democracy (NLD). This caused nationwide protests and civil disobedience movements across the country. In response, the military launched a brutal crackdown against activists involving mass arrests, extrajudicial killings, and widespread use of torture. Thousands of civilians, including children and medical workers, have also been killed or imprisoned.
Across Myanmar, indiscriminate shelling and aerial bombings in rural and indigenous communities have also intensified in an attempt by the military government to eliminate liberation movements. These occurrences have caused thousands of people to be displaced, injured, and killed. Urban communities in Myanmar are also affected. Months after the declaration of the coup, industrial zones that house the majority of garment factories have turned into war zones between armed groups and the armed forces of the military government.
Last year, 2024, also marked the worst year of violence against the Rohingya community since 2017, with men, women, and children dying in bombings while being trapped in the middle of the armed conflict. The crisis in Myanmar extends beyond political repression to include long-standing ethnic conflicts. The Rohingya, a Muslim minority group in Rakhine State, have faced systemic persecution and violence for years. In 2017, a military campaign against the Rohingya resulted in mass killings, rape, and the displacement of over 700,000 people to refugee camps in Bangladesh. Myanmar’s situation exemplifies how entrenched military power and ethno-nationalist ideologies can lead to fascist governance and widespread human suffering.
The weaponization of laws has also become one of the cornerstones of tyranny in Southeast Asia.
In Vietnam, government repression has been rampant against civil society organizations, political and religious critics, and human rights defenders. Since 2021, the country has seen widespread human rights violations from police harassment, intimidation, surveillance, and interrogation, especially among staunch critics of the government. Weaponizing the law, the Vietnamese government has justified its attack by using provisions it has made in its Criminal Code such as Article 331 (“abusing democratic freedoms to harm the interests of the state”), Article 109 (“carrying out activities aimed at overthrowing the people’s administration”), Article 116 (“undermining the unity policy”), and Article 118 (“disrupting security”). The term “national security” has also been appropriated to enable the government’s full-blown operation and crackdown on activists and development workers. Since its enactment, human rights defenders have experienced various human rights violations on a daily basis.
Civic spaces have further shrunk due to authorities restricting the establishment and operations of civil society organizations. Under the Penal Code, civil society organizations are also criminalized and shut down under politically-motivated charges of “tax evasion” or disclosure of “classified information”. With over 200 political prisoners, Vietnam also has a significant number of political prisoners in Southeast Asia.
Apart from their criticism of the government of Vietnam, a noticeable trend among these arrests is their relevant work in environmental, land, and climate rights. APRN member Centre for Environmental Concerns Philippines, which serves as the secretariat of the Asia Pacific Network of Environmental Defenders, has campaigned for Dang Dinh Bach, a Vietnamese environmental defender, lawyer, and founder of Center for Legal Studies & Policy for Sustainable Development, who the Vietnamese government imprisoned on trumped-up charges of tax evasion. Since his imprisonment in 2021, Bach has been assaulted by policemen and threatened by fellow inmates. Bach has been a prominent figure in Vietnam with his contributions to climate and just energy transition policies, as well as being part of the anti-coal campaign, which eventually led to his arrest.
The situation in Myanmar and Vietnam is just a snapshot of the bigger picture of the disastrous state of human rights across Southeast Asia. Oppression and violence are embedded in the very system of our governments and incorporated into operational infrastructures, like the police and the military. It is crucial to understand the root causes in waging a fight against the continuing state violence and repression that people face in the region. It is important to recognize the manifestations of the ongoing rivalry between global powers and how it manifests in the region through increased foreign military presence, formation of military alliances, and establishment of military bases, among others, and how they contribute to creating an atmosphere suitable for war in the region. The struggle for just and lasting peace persists.
Southeast Asia is one of the regions most vulnerable to the adverse impacts of climate change and environmental degradation. The Global Climate Risk Index ranks several Southeast Asian countries among the world’s most affected when it comes to climate-related losses. Among the top 10 countries are the Philippines, Myanmar, and Thailand, with Vietnam and Cambodia included as well in the top 20. The subregion faces rising sea levels, heat waves, floods, and droughts, as well as increasingly intense and unpredictable weather events, affecting millions of people in densely populated areas and coastal zones.
While the prevailing narrative among policy spaces on the cause of these disasters is often blamed on individuals, the accountability of rich countries and climate-destructive businesses that cause pollution goes unscathed. International financial institutions such as ADB and AIIB have launched infrastructure projects that contribute significantly to damaging the environment and ecosystem in many communities, mostly among indigenous peoples in the region. Under the guise of pursuing a green economy that produces green jobs and creates renewable energy, these projects cause negative impacts on both the environment and the well-being of these communities, including deforestation, pollution, habitat destruction, and widespread displacement. Aside from mega dams and other energy projects, many businesses operating in the region are some of the most responsible culprits of the climate crisis, causing massive flooding, polluting bodies of water, among others. According to a report made by Business and Human Rights Asia, some of the leading businesses most responsible for the adverse effects of climate change belong to the mining industry, the garment and fashion industry, and the palm oil and paper industries.
Southeast Asia is home to the world’s largest producer of palm oil, Indonesia. The country produces more than 30 million tons of palm oil per year, generating 4.5% of its GDP and giving employment to 3 million people. Despite these shining figures, lies a dim reality for many indigenous communities.
In Central Kalimantan in Indonesia, the struggle continues for the Laman Kinipan people against PT Sawit Mandiri Lestari (PT SML), a large private palm oil plantation company operating on their land. The Laman Kinipan indigenous community has inhabited their territory even before the formation of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. PT SML has deforested a 4000-hectare customary forest of the Laman Kinipan people. Since 2012, the indigenous peoples’ community has rejected the presence of PT SML and their plan to develop palm oil plantations in their ancestral lands. Despite the objection from the community, PT SML cleared Kinipan’s customary forest in 2018 and continues to operate to this day. This reduction in the level of biodiversity due to massive deforestation has caused extreme flash floods experienced in the village and exacerbated weather conditions that disrupted the traditional practices of the Kinipan indigenous community. APRN Member WALHI Central Kalimantan states that the struggle continues and is now in its 15th year despite the Kinipan community continuously facing threats to their forests, lives, and bodies.
The agricultural industry is increasingly structured to serve corporate interests rather than prioritize the welfare of people or the environment. Driven by profit motives, it often relies on unsustainable practices that degrade ecosystems and marginalize small-scale farmers. A report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change finds that about 30% of global emissions leading to climate change are coming from unsustainable and corporate-driven agricultural activities, including pesticide use. This aspect of the conversation is largely unaddressed in mainstream scientific and political reporting despite cases happening across the region, with no agrichemical corporations or companies held responsible.
In Laos, farmers are fighting against the use of pesticides because of the detrimental effects on agricultural systems and even on human health, food safety, and the environment. According to a report made by APRN member PANAP, there are reports of acute poisoning and chronic health effects, especially among women who participate in agricultural work and production in the country. One such case is of Sunphone from the village of Korngie, who suffers from chronic lung cancer and debilitating eye problems after an equipment malfunction that exposed her to a large amount of chemical herbicides.
While the government of Laos has taken some steps toward sustainable agriculture, like banning at least 39 current use pesticides, its terrain as a mountainous country with massive land borders makes it conducive for illegal pesticides to be smuggled, with the countries of origin failing to take any responsibility to curb the illicit trade. Regional and national policies need to be strengthened, upholding the participation and protection of farmers in the process.
The Southeast Asia region faces a greater threat from existing corporate-led environmental challenges than from climate change itself. In the cases of Indonesia and Laos, demanding state and corporate accountability and amplifying the call for climate justice is crucial in repairing the damage that environmentally-damaging businesses have caused in their lands, forests, and shorelines. This step is crucial in rebuilding a sustainable way forward that honors both the planet and the people. The indispensable role that indigenous people, farmers, and fisherfolk play at the frontline of this fight should be honored by recognizing that they are stewards of the environment whose rights should be protected and their right to development upheld.
Despite the immense challenges that exist and lie ahead, the people of Southeast Asia stand strong in continuing the fight to resist exploitation, oppression, and ecological destruction. Across the region, waves of people’s resistance from the farmlands to the factories are surging, with the youth and children showing as a transformative force in shaping the future that the people want.
In Myanmar, we see the youth at the frontline of protests against the military regime, many sacrificing their lives in the struggle. In the Philippines, resistance efforts in political education and organizing from the youth movement take shape from communities to universities. In Vietnam and Cambodia, where civil liberties are more restricted, youth have found ways to share their advocacy through the use of art installations and pushing for digital campaigns. In Thailand, students are leading pro-democracy protests to challenge the power of the monarchy and the military. In Indonesia, students also led protest actions in response to budget cuts on education and social services.
These forms of resistance are not isolated; they often intersect and inform each other through regional solidarity networks and international partnerships. Social movements across Southeast Asia are increasingly aware of the interconnectedness of their adversities and realize the importance of awareness-raising, movement-building, and maximizing all fronts of the struggle.
Understanding the regional trends and how they are influenced by the course of global events is key to charting a comprehensive approach to the people’s struggle. There is an urgent need to support and empower youth movements and civil society organizations that advocate for children’s rights and participation through capacity-building, legal protection, and inclusive political participation. Creating an enabling environment for young people to thrive as leaders and innovators is critical in achieving this. Southeast Asia is a region of profound contradictions, and yet it is these very contradictions that the best in youth emerge. We should take hold of our subregion’s strength, hope, and solidarity to show that an alternative future built on people’s rights is possible.
Through our collective power, we can forge new paths of resistance and light the way for a more just and inclusive region. Our struggle is not ours alone but a part of a bigger global movement that demands liberation and seeks justice. Let us continue the fight and wage for a better world for generations to come.
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