| Summary of Proceedings |
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| Written by Secretariat, APRN |
| Sunday, 06 June 2004 12:51 |
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Day 1 Opening Introductions: Asia is the fast growing region in the world, noted Mr. Antonio Tujan, Research  Director of IBON and Chair of the APRN in his welcoming remarks.  Despite this rapid growth, however, Asia faces three great challenges  to its development - globalization, militarism and the violation of  human rights - phenomena which are fundamentally linked to each  other. The objective of this seminar, Mr. Tujan added, is to address  these challenges through the lens of regional cooperation and to  consider if regional cooperation is a positive or negative force for  sustainable development and the realisation of human rights. Is  regional cooperation simply a mechanism of globalisation? Or is it the  most practical means for Asia's survival in the context of  globalisation?Iris Almeida , Director of  Programs, Policy and Planning at Rights & Democracy, emphasized the  importance of building alliances for research, analysis and advocacy.  She suggested that this seminar is an important moment to identify  linkages between our different areas of expertise in the hopes of  better exchange on the key challenges facing Asia today. Ms. Almeida  noted that when regional human rights organizations met in Bangkok in  1993 in the lead up to the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights,  they expressed a strong will to work together to promote and protect  human rights across the region. Ms. Almeida said that she hopes this  seminar will renew these commitments and lead to the development of a  collaborative and strategic action plan for the next five years. Panel 1: The Global & Regional Context of Regional CooperationMr. T. Rajamoorthy of Third World Network in Penang, Malaysia, observed that regionalism  is not a new phenomenon and he cited the examples of Europe and the  Americas. He noted that the evolution of regional cooperation has  accelerated since the end of the Cold War, particularly in Europe. With  regards to the emergence of regionalism in Asia, Mr. Rajamoorthy noted  that most cooperation arrangements take the form of trade and  investment agreements and that these have gained in significance since  the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Since 1997, the two most important  landmarks in the evolution of the Asian region are the Chiang Mai  Initiative for financial cooperation (which recently recommended the  creation of an Asian currency) in 2000 and the Association of Southeast  Asian Nations (ASEAN)- China free trade agreement in 2002. Mr.  Rajamoorthy added that globalisation itself - both its triumph and  its crisis - has been another contributing factor to the expansion of  regionalism. Smaller countries have found that they are in a stronger  position when they negotiate as a block. Nevertheless, regionalism can  also replicate the problems of globalisation because its agreements  would extend benefits equally to all members regardless of their level  of development. Developing countries in Asia and in other regions,  might find that the Global System of Trade Preferences (GSTP), which is  housed within the UN Committee on Trade & Development (UNCTAD), is  more favourable to their interests because it is limited only to  developing countries and because it encourages south-south cooperation.The full text of Mr. Rajamoorthy's presentation is including with this report. Dr. Manoranjan Mojanty, professor  of Political Science and Director of the Developing Countries Research  at the University of Delhi as well as Co-chair of the Institute of  Chinese Studies in Delhi, India, expressed his hopes that this workshop  would result in initiatives to put human rights at the centre of  regional cooperation. He said that Asia is currently undergoing  transformation in three areas: from internal conflict to regional  cooperation; from imbalanced development to harmonious development;  from poverty to prosperity. However, Dr. Mojanty cautioned that if  these various processes are not successful in addressing deprived or  alienated groups, then regional cooperation based on economic growth  alone might actually accentuate social tension.Dr. Mojanty  pointed to the emergence of new "Asian identity" stretching from Egypt  to Japan and Mongolia to Sri Lanka characterized by the rise of a new  middle class, the success of local entrepreneurs, the strengthened  voice of peasant and worker moments, and the growth of the woman's  movement. He reviewed current regional integration mechanisms such as  SAARC and the ASEAN and noted the emergence of sub-regional processes  such as the Shanghai Cooperation ( China , Russia, Kazakhstan,  Kyrgystan, Tajikistanan, Uzbekistan). Dr. Mohanty emphasized  the growing influence of the Boao Forum for Asia, which has emerged  since 2000 as the single pan-Asian cooperation effort. The Boao Forum  brings together business leaders, political figures and academics at  annual conferences held in the Hainan Province of China with the goal  of assisting Asian economies to meet the challenges of globalisation.Dr.  Mohanty pointed out, however, that while these various processes do  address social and environmental concerns, they have so far failed to  address human rights. He also cautioned that Asian cooperation is often  threatened by bilateral disputes and by the vastness of the region. For  example, he said, Western Asia and Central Asia are often unrepresented  in the various forums and agreements, including the Boao Forum for Asia. The full text of Dr. Mohanty's presentation is included with this report .Panel 2: The Concept of Human Rights and its Relationship to Trade & Investment Mr. Basil Fernando , Director of the Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong, described  human rights as a fundamental political concept and suggested that  economic cooperation should be evaluated from the perspective of how it  contributes towards the realization of rights. Human rights, he said,  are about power, that is - the relationship between state and people.  Therefore, when we are evaluating economic cooperation between states  from the perspective of human rights, we need to address the foundation  of democracy in our countries.Mr. Fernando pointed out that Asia  is home to many human rights violations, from torture and  extra-judicial killings to hunger and poverty. To the extent that trade  relations contribute to these violations, or lead to more inequity both  within and between nations, then the relationship between the state and  its people is of critical importance. Judicial processes must be  independent and free of corruption which is not the case in most Asian  countries. He noted that article 2 of both human rights covenants  emphasizes the importance of available remedies for human rights  violations, be those remedies judicial, legislative or administrative  in nature. Implementation of this principle is essential if people are  to ensure that trading agreements enhance their enjoyment of human  rights. In conclusion, Mr. Fernando suggested that human rights  activists should be focused on the creation of independent institutions  at the national level. These institutions would have the power to  challenge the government with regards to trade agreements or other  processes that have an impact on human rights.The full text of Mr. Fernando's presentation is included with this report. Ms. Glenda Litong , Chair of ESCR-Asia in Manila, Philippines, described the relationship  between globalisation and development. She pointed out that a human  rights framework for development promotes human dignity not only by  envisioning the person as the object of development but also by placing  the person at the centre of development planning and evaluation. Ms.  Litong described the process of development via globalisation as  "development aggression", taking no account of the human and  environmental costs. The result, she added, has been growing poverty -  a violation of rights perpetrated by the very governments responsible  for protecting them. Ms. Litong supported the position of Mr. Fernando  and agreed that access to systems of justice is key in order for  victims of human rights abuse to hold their governments accountable to  their human rights commitments.Ms. Litong emphasized the primacy  of human rights treaties over other international agreements. She  highlighted article 103 of the UN Charter which states that "In the  event of a conflict between the obligations of the members of the  United Nations under the present charter and the obligations under any  other international agreement, their obligations under the present  charter shall prevail." Even the WTO agreement itself, she added,  specifies that its objective is to raise "standards of living". The full text of Ms. Litong's presentation is included with this report .Open discussion: Panels 1 and 2 During  the open discussion following the panel presentations, participants  debated the value of regionalism as a defence against the inequities  resulting from globalisation. They questioned the theory of  establishing comparative advantage through regional cooperation. Mr.  Rajamoorthy cautioned that the growing number of bilateral agreements,  particularly with the United States, was undermining the role of  South-South trading arrangements and any advantage they would offer to  Asian economies. Dr. Mohanty questioned the concept of comparative  advantage itself, suggesting that one needs to look at comparative  advantage from a different perspective, for example in terms of  differentiated groups and sectors within nations rather than between  nations.Other discussion topics focused on increased  militarism in the region, the links between globalisation and security  arrangements such as the Asian anti-terror pact, the isolation of North  Asia within cooperation agreements and the weakness of regional human  rights protection processes. Some participants questioned whether or  not it is actually possible, from a theoretical point of view, to  negotiate rights-based trade rules given that the trade objective is  efficiency and the human rights approach requires special attention to  vulnerable groups, even if it is inefficient. Finally, a point  was raised about popular resistance to globalisation, the  criminalisation of dissent and its implications for lobbying as an  effective means to bring change. Speakers questioned whether or not  legal approaches and attempts to influence formal processes would  actually result in the desired changes.Panel 3: Political and Economic Analysis of Specific Trade Agreements Mr. Tapan Bose of the South Asia Forum on Human Rights in Nepal, provided a short  history of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)  and the subsequent creation of the South Asia Preferential Trade  Agreement (SAPTA) in 1985. He noted that fears of India's dominance and  the conflict between India and Pakistan contributed to the inactivity  of SAPTA until 1995 and problems of national security and internal  conflicts have since continued to stand in the way of regionalism in  South Asia. For these reasons, Mr. Bose said, the "nature of the polity  of the states predicates the impossibility of a vision of cooperation".Mr.  Bose noted that 40% of South Asia's population lives in poverty and yet  there is no political will to work together to end poverty in the  region. The Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation  was established in 1991 but it was not until 2001 - ten years later  - that its objectives were approved. Since 2001, regional  "non-cooperation" has characterized the effort to address poverty and  promote sustainable development in South Asia. For cooperation  agreements to succeed in their efforts to reduce poverty and promote  economic, social and cultural rights, they must free the movement of  labour, particularly from the least-developed countries in the region,  Bangladesh and Nepal. Ms. Vicky Corpuz ,  coordinator of the Asian Women Indigenous Network based in the  Philippines, noted that despite the proliferation of trading agreements  in Southeast Asia, the reality is that trading between ASEAN countries  themselves remains insignificant at 22.75% of the region's total trade  in 2001. ASEAN's biggest export and import markets, Corpuz added, are  still the US, EU, Japan, China and South Korea. ASEAN countries  therefore compete with each other, weakening the foundation for  cooperation and increasing the vulnerability of individual states to  the crisis of over-production and volatility of the global market.Despite  this weakness, Corpuz noted the significance of the Chaing Mai  initiative mentioned earlier by Mr. Rajamoorthy. The proposal suggested  the establishment of an Asian Monetary Fund that would provide  emergency loans without conditionalities. A successful AMF would be a  positive development because it would decrease the influence of the  International Monetary Fund in ASEAN countries. Panel 4: Review of Available Human Rights MechanismsGopal Siwakoti , Director of the Nepal Policy Institute in Kathmandu, reviewed the  current status of national human rights institutions in the region  describing them as lacking in political independence and specific  expertise in the field of human rights. These institutions, he added,  are focused primarily on civil and political rights and as such may not  provide the needed scrutiny of economic policy and its relation to  poverty and inequality in the region. These weaknesses undermine the  state's ability to adequately implement its obligations under the  International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Siwakoti  noted that there is no regional human rights body in Asia, adding that  the Asia Pacific Forum deals only with the functioning of national  institutions and the Tehran Framework supports only national plans for  the promotion of human rights. Nevertheless, there are sub-regional  agreements on the prevention of the trafficking of women and children,  and the promotion of child welfare. Except for these, the people of  Asia must rely upon multilateral human rights treaties and declarations  signed by Asian countries in the context of the United Nations system,  or the International Criminal Court which provides recourse in the case  of severe human rights violations such as crimes against humanity and  war crimes.Nimalka Fernando , of the  International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism  in Sri Lanka, described the present human rights situation in Sri  Lanka, along with other political, economic and cultural  issues - patriarchy, migrant rights, racial and women discrimination,  self-determination, among others. TAPES INAUDIBLE: WAITING FOR MORE INPUT FROM NIMALKAOpen discussion: Panels 3 and 4 During  the discussion forum, participants debated the merits of allocating  civil society resources towards the creation of a regional human rights  mechanism. There were several different views on this question, but the  majority did not support the adoption of a campaign priority towards  this goal at this time. Concerns were raised about the weakness of  national institutions, the narrowing of political space for civil  society and the danger of a roll-back on the definition of rights in  the region.Instead, the general view was that civil society  and social movements in Asia should continue to concentrate their  energies on research coupled with public advocacy and grassroots  organizing. Participants agreed that cross-border and cross-sector  networking should be a key component of national and regional  campaigns. There was also strong agreement that civil society give more  attention to the monitoring of transnational corporations (TNC)  activities, particularly the activities of Asia-based TNCs. Day 2Panel 5: Sector Case Studies Labour:Apo Leong,  Director of the Asia Monitor Resource Centre in Hong Kong, described  the situation of workers in export processing zones (EPZ) as a true  race to the bottom with EPZs competing against each other even within  the same country. He provided several examples of flagrant rights  abuses in EPZs, noting the number of labour activists who have become  the targets of their own governments. With the rise in influence of  Asian TNCs, pressure for regional integration has intensified but there  has been little attention to the impact on labour rights. Leong  suggested that the best way of tackling this problem is to encourage  worker exchange within the region and also between developed and  developing countries. Consumer solidarity, he added, should also be  encouraged. Leong suggested more research about the operations of Asian  TNCs both within the region and elsewhere in the world.Peasant rights: Mr. Burhanudi of the Federation of Indonesian Peasant Unions in Jakarta, focused his  remarks on the issue of land rights which he described as the critical  issue facing peasants. The majority of peasants in Indonesia, he said,  do not own their land or they own very small pieces of land, on average  only .03 hectares. During the 1980's President Suharto attempted to  use technology to increase production and national food security.  Initially there was increased productivity, but it subsequently  decreased due to the use of pesticides and resulted in land degradation  and pollution. This in turn has resulted in loss of livelihood and  social disruption for the Indonesian peasant. With liberalisation of  the agricultural sector, Indonesian peasants have been further affected  by the expropriation of land for industrial farming, high production  costs, decreased agricultural subsidies, and low market price of goods. Indigenous people and mining:Ms. Vicky Corpuz addressed the impact of mining on indigenous people in Asia. Corpuz  described mining as the "biggest scourge" in the life of indigenous  people adding that any resistance on their side usually results in  increased violence against them. While there is little indication of a  reduction in extractive industry operations in Asia, there has been  some success in addressing its impacts from a rights perspective. In  2002, a UN Special Rapportuer visited and released a report on the  situation in seven countries ( India, Indonesia, Philippines, Papua New  Guinea, Russia, Chad, Cameroon, Colombia, and Ecuador). A strong  network of mining-affected communities will soon be conducting  fact-finding missions to mining areas in conflict zones. Civil society  is also utilizing the findings of recent Extractive Industry Review to make better use of the policy space available within UN and World Bank processes as well as to promote its recommendations.Food Sovereignty: Mr.Gilbert Sape , Project coordinator at the Pesticide Action Network, Asia Pacific,  described the concept of food sovereignty as the right of people to  feed themselves and to determine the nature of the food they eat. Sape  described the campaign against genetically-modified food and the use of  pesticides which he said have resulted in 35 million poisonings a year,  mostly in Asia. Noting that TNCs develop, control and promote the use  of these products, Sape voiced scepticism at the recent Food &  Agriculture Organization recommendations that governments invest more  in such technology, cautioning that this recommendation could soon  become a conditionality for joining trade agreements. Sape described  upcoming initiatives aimed at popularizing the food sovereignty  movement - the Food Sovereignty Caravan beginning in Malaysia in  September and the Peoples' Convention on Food Sovereignty in November  in Bangladesh. Migrant Workers : Mr. Ramon Bultron,  of the Asia Pacific Mission on Migrants based in Hong Kong, described  the "business" of labour export. Migrants are being used by governments  and the private sector as cheap labour and revenues. Migrants do not  enjoy their human rights and are regularly exploited. Despite the many  problems faced in trying to organize migrants, in recent years there  has been significant growth of movements and organizations that are  educating them about their rights. There have been some positive  results; for example the wage cut for migrants proposed in Hong Kong  was blocked. Bultron added that it is now necessary to forge strong  ties between migrant workers and other workers in host countries.The human right to food : Mr. Colin Gonsalvez,  Director of the Human Rights Law Network in Delhi, reviewed the  situation in India saying that 80% of the population is living below  the normal calorie intake and 50% of children are malnourished. This,  he said, will have lasting effects on India's development. Recently,  the Supreme Court of India issued a variety of decisions aimed at  implementation of the human right to food. For example, the Court  directed that all primary school children should receive a handful of  rice each day. Nevertheless, India is poised to accept genetically  modified food and to abandon its public distribution system which is  one of the best in the world. Gonsalvez hopes that seminar participants  will agree to develop and promote a regional initiative on hunger,  including perhaps the drafting of a Regional Convention on the Right to  Food which could be used by parliaments to create right to food  programming as has been achieved in India. Open discussion: Panel 5Panel  5 resulted in a lively and engaged discussion focused largely around 3  issues - the human right to food and agricultural policy, the  accountability of transnational corporations to human rights law, and  the impact of the 2005 textile quota elimination on women workers. In  response to a question regarding the cause of the growing number of  farmer suicides in India, Colin Gonsalvez pointed to the pressures of  globalisation as the primary reason. In addition, farmers are unable to  obtain loans and are forced to use money lenders who charge extremely  high interest rates. Government procurement of grain has also been  decreasing and imported products are replacing those produced locally.  Farmers facing bankruptcy have become destitute after money lenders and  banks confiscate everything they own. Consequently, they have been  committing suicide en mass by consuming pesticides.Gilbert  Sape added that the loss of control over seeds is another reason why  farmers are losing hope. Sape noted that Monsanto is currently engaged  in 370 court cases in which they are suing farmers for using the very  seeds they have used for generations. Apo Leong added that a growing  number of farmers in China are resorting to suicide in response to new  pressures being imposed by local governments. Nevertheless, he added  that farmers are beginning to fight back using a variety of measures  such as blockades and demonstrations in order to make their points. Regarding  the accountability of TNCs, Vicky Corpuz said that this is a priority  struggle for the human rights community. Despite a number of efforts to  regulate the activities of TNCs via legally binding international  agreements, we are faced instead with a situation in which TNCs and  investors are winning rights within institutions such as the World  Trade Organization. Recently, there was a consensus within the  Extractive Industry Review to adopt a policy of "free prior informed  consent" with regards to indigenous people, but we as civil society  should be looking at ways to push these efforts into higher gear,  particularly within the World Bank and the United Nations.Apo  Leong countered, saying that he had no faith in international  instruments helping workers because those in the greatest need are  often those with no rights - migrants and other casual workers. Ramon  Bultron agreed, noting that many of the most flagrant abuses occur in  the context of sub-contracting by TNCs and it is therefore difficult to  bring cases against the parent company. Campaigning in the host country  is often the most effective measure. Gilbert Sape stressed that  UN mechanisms were weak at best and he cited 2 examples in which civil  society organizations submitted reports to the Committee on Economic,  Social and Cultural Rights and that the Committee endorsed their  position but there was no further action. This, Sape said, is the  weakness of the human rights system and people's movements need to  adopt other measures in order to win their battles.Regarding the  Multi-Fiber Agreement and its impact on women, Apo Leong said that the  Committee for Asian Women, a non-governmental group based in Bangkok,  is following this issue. There is concern that western trade unions and  even some Asian trade unions are targeting Indian and Chinese workers  as the unfair beneficiaries of the agreement. This is not the case -  workers are enjoying the benefits of the agreement. There must be more  international solidarity and civil society should take up the challenge  of resolving the divide. Panel 6: Country case studiesBhutan:Ms. Radha Adhikari of the Human Rights Council of Bhutan, focused her presentation on the  plight of Bhutanese refugees in Nepal and the lack of progress towards  regaining their right to citizenship in Bhutan. Bhutan currently has no  constitution, no legal system and only one high court. Adhikari  explained that India is responsible for Bhutan's foreign relations  and security, guided by the Indian-Bhutan Treaty of 1949. In 1988  Bhutan issued its "one country - one people" policy which resulted in  discrimination against the southern Bhutanese who are primarily of  Nepalese descent. This led to an "ethnic cleansing" and the flight of  refugees to Nepal. There have been 15 rounds of negotiations between  Nepal and Bhutan but there is still no resolution to the problem. India  has not provided adequate leadership on this issue because of its own  economic interests in Bhutan, in particular the Chukka hydropower  project. The growing trade relations between Bhutan and South Asia  should be used to encourage a resolution of the refugee problem as well  as the development of democracy in Bhutan. Burma : Charm Tong , representing Shan Women's Action Network and the Women's League of  Burma, both based in Thailand, reported that since1962 Burma has been  under military rule. The Burmese people have been denied their human  rights and have suffered the exploitation of their natural resources.  After suppression of the democratic uprising in 1988, the country began  opening itself up to foreign investment, primarily from Thailand and  China. This influx of foreign currency has served to further strengthen  the military regime's grip on power, even as foreign aid fails to reach  vulnerable groups within the country. Burma joined ASEAN in 1997, thus  facilitating the development of trade relations within the region but  failing to deliver on the promise of democratisation. Burma's  integration into regional agreements has resulted in increased logging  and mining as well as the construction of a dam in the Shan State,  which will serve the Mekong power grid. The project has already had a  negative human rights impact through the displacement of people and  environmental disruption.Cambodia : Gonzalo Solares of  the Catholic Relief Services in Cambodia reported that agriculture is  the main economic activity in Cambodia, employing 85% of the people and  contributing 37% to the GNP. Rice is the basic commodity. Currently,  the Government of Cambodia is in the application process for WTO  membership. The WTO accession agreement will require the reduction of  tariffs on all agricultural products and the elimination of all  domestic support for farmers. The only subsidies that would be  available to Cambodia are those under the Green Box provision for non  trade-distorting support, for example for training or research. There  has been no consultation between the government and civil society  during the accession process. The reduction of tariffs on rice will  certainly result in lower prices which is good for urban centres, but  it will put Cambodian farmers out of business. In order to reduce  production costs and raise productivity to improve competitiveness,  there must be investment in basic infrastructure such as roads. But  Cambodia does not have the resources for such projects and the  provision of resources does not factor into the WTO accession process. Malaysia : Arul Arutchelvan, representing  SUARAM, a human rights organization based in Kuala Lumpur, painted a  bleak picture of life in Malaysia under the internal security laws  which have been in effect for several years and which undermine  democracy and human rights. Mr. Arutchelvan noted that although  Malaysia is a prosperous country, it has no freedom of speech or of the  media, unions are not independent and deaths while in police custody  are common. There are 3 million migrant workers in Malaysia who work in  the absence of any human rights protection. Prosperity has been  accompanied by a rate of inequality that is one of the highest in Asia.  Regional trade agreements have resulted in the loss of factory jobs to  China and have turned Malaysia, once a food-exporting country, to a  food-importing country. Agricultural workers and indigenous peoples  have been displaced by large infrastructure projects and commercial  development.Thailand :Witoon Lianchamroon of FTA-Watch in Bangkok outlined what he described as decreasing  respect for human rights and democracy under the current Thai  leadership. He pointed to the recent violence in southern Thailand as a  symptom of new policies which are imposed through a system  characterised by corruption and cronyism. In addition to being a member  of ASEAN, Thailand has entered into ten bilateral trade agreements,  including agreements with China and Australia. There are negotiations  ongoing with India and the United States. As a result of these  agreements, Thailand has eliminated tariffs on fruit, vegetables and  dairy. The United States is pressing for the opening of Thailand's  agricultural sector to genetically-modified food. One third of  Thailand's garlic and onion producers have already lost their  livelihoods; an estimated 100,000 dairy farms will close within ten  years and more than 2 million corn and soy farmers are expected to lose  their livelihoods to cheap GMO grain imports from the US. FTA-Watch is  a new organization that has been established in order to raise public  awareness of these issues. Philippines:Marie Hilao-Enriquez of Karapatan in the Philippines, said that in recent years the  Philippines has witnessed increased suppression of human rights due  partly to the increase of military activities framed as 'the war on  terror'. Dissidents and social activists are labelled either  terrorists or communists or communist-terrorists and these labels have  had a negative impact on their personal security. Globalisation has  also had an impact. Liberalization of the agriculture sector has led to  the loss of close to one million jobs in the poultry sector alone.  Indigenous people have been pushed off their land by the influx of  foreign mining and logging corporations. The number one export from the  Philippines is labour, destabilizing families and communities. Growing  poverty coupled with militarization and intimidation of trade unions is  exacerbating social unrest and creating a cycle of poverty, unrest and  violence.Open Discussion: Panel 6 Discussion  following the presentation of country case studies focused on the  obstacles faced by civil society in countries where human rights are  not respected and basic democratic freedoms do not exist. Speakers  observed that the country case studies indicate that regional  cooperation may actually be undermining efforts to promote human rights  in the region rather than the other way around. This conclusion led  again to a debate regarding tactics and strategies for change. For  example, is it realistic to engage the regional cooperation processes  or is it more advisable for civil society to strengthen its capacity at  the national level coupled with regional networking? It was agreed that  there should be a variety of approaches depending on the national  context and the priorities of our various organizations and networks.Some  proposals for regional collaborative initiatives were put forward for  consideration, including, for example: increased solidarity across  borders and sectors; conceptualization and promotion of alternate  development models; greater participation in anti-war movements; and  improved collaboration between intellectuals and activists. This  discussion forum set the tone for the strategy workshops that followed. Workshops: Strategies for actionSeminar  participants were divided into 3 smaller groups and each group was  requested to respond to the same set of questions aimed at the  development of specific follow-up activities. The questions were: Â
The  closing plenary comprised reports from the three working groups  followed by a facilitated effort to synthesize the various responses to  the workshop questions. It should be noted that not all groups  responded fully to all questions and not all groups understood the  questions in the same way. Nevertheless, certain common trends emerged  and these were compiled for reference, to be used by individual  organizations or as ideas for collaborative initiatives depending on  interest. In addition, some workshops had agreed to assign  responsibility for some tasks, while others did not. It was therefore  agreed, as the first follow-up action, that a new email listserv  devoted to human rights in Asia, be established to facilitate ongoing  discussion and collaboration. In response to the three questions, the common views emerged as follows: Â
Following the working group reports, the seminar participants formulated specific recommendations for joint action as follows:
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